Is DSA a response to the MAGA movement? Yes and no. The two movements have undeniable similarities. Both are, at root, economic populist movements. Both seize on an anti-establishment framing — “the swamp” and “globalists” on one side, “the billionaire class” and “corporate elites” on the other. Both have effectively leveraged simple, repeatable phrases to galvanize their bases — “Build the wall,” “America first,” “Medicare for All,” “tax the rich,” and so on. Both frame their movements in binary terms — patriots vs. traitors, or workers vs. billionaires. And both enjoy a certain zeal in taking on institutions once viewed as political power brokers — the media, the experts, the national party leadership.
The differences, of course, are stark. MAGA sees most issues through a national identity lens, while democratic socialists filter their worldview through class and equity. Additionally, while the movement may have borrowed some of MAGA’s playbook (or vice versa), it is ultimately working toward very different goals. And perhaps most saliently, democratic socialism is not defined by a single political leader but rather a nationwide network of candidates at all levels of government.
All of this leaves me conflicted when assessing DSA’s trajectory in this political moment. On one hand, we need to be careful not to extrapolate our sense of the national mood from the results of local elections in deep-blue areas. Candidates like Darializa Avila Chevalier and Claire Valdez in New York City haven’t even secured nominations yet, while Nithya Raman is still an underdog against Karen Bass in Los Angeles. New York City and Seattle have democratic socialist mayors (with Washington, D.C. almost certainly soon to follow), but these are places where more progressive candidates already succeed. And as Megan McArdle noted (under “What the right is saying”), politicians are often forced to trade idealism for pragmatism once they have power, which can lead to disillusionment and infighting within movements that prize ideological purity.
On the other hand, these urban centers are the most populous places in the country, and millions of people rallying around these politicians could represent the early signs of an earnest political shift. The Democratic Party appears ripe for a shakeup, and DSA candidates’ messaging seems to be resonating with the party’s most engaged voters, particularly on immigration, Israel, and healthcare. Here, again, the MAGA movement is instructive. How many Republican politicians felt a false sense of security headed into 2016, thinking GOP voters would never roll the dice on someone as risky as Trump? I get the sense that Democratic voters are equally dissatisfied with their party leadership as Republicans were in 2016, and they’re happy to look elsewhere, “electability” be damned.
Take Graham Platner, who isn’t DSA but whose messaging is similar. I’ve spoken with several friends in Maine who said they happily cast a Democratic primary ballot for the embattled oyster farmer because they think he can provide a necessary jolt to a system they feel is increasingly overrun with corruption and controlled by elderly lawmakers clinging to power. I can understand that position.
But like I said, I’m conflicted. A part of me — that 18-year-old self — hungers for something, anything new on the left. Another part — call it my Tangle brain — thinks that the democratic-socialist movement isn’t representing something new, but a continuation of a form of ideologically rigid politics that has contributed to our current divisions and won’t help us get back on track.
Those dueling feelings also suggest two potential pathways for DSA candidates in the coming months. In the first, the movement continues gaining momentum, with bold ideas on housing, in particular, bringing broader attention and support. In New York City, Mamdani has released a plan to build 200,000 new homes in the next decade, and Valdez, his potential ally in Congress, has put forward proposals to create a federal housing developer and a national housing construction fund. These aren’t overnight solutions, but they strike me as the kind of bold thinking that could garner attention and support. If DSA becomes associated with housing policy reform in the way that MAGA became associated with stronger immigration enforcement, its candidates could gain traction beyond blue cities. Again, labels matter less than ever, and voters might not care about the democratic socialist tag if they think a candidate has good ideas on housing affordability.
In 2016, Trump’s huge rally turnouts and polling strength in early primary states were harbingers of his eventual success. Right now, Sanders and AOC are drawing large crowds of their own in their “Fighting Oligarchy” tour — and not just in big Democratic cities. The turnout for these large-scale gatherings is another signal to pay attention to.
Pathway two is what I might call the “woke” trap. DSA and its candidates unabashedly embrace progressive social policies like transgender rights, police reform, and abolishing ICE. At the national level, voters appeared to reject those policies in 2024, and I don’t think much has changed since then. Even with the unpopularity of the Trump administration, I don’t see evidence of a national appetite for this kind of social progressivism. Just look at how James Talarico is trying to distance himself from 2020-era comments about religion and gender in the Texas Senate race. These candidates won’t be able to sell their economic vision if they’re constantly having to account for their social views. Furthermore, the organization is constantly preoccupied with internal disputes and ideological purity tests. Just look at how AOC — the most promising DSA politician in the country — has been forced to fend off attacks from some within the organization who see her as “selling out” for the mainstream.
Ultimately, the DSA movement has to win elections to remain relevant, and I’m not convinced they’re serious enough about making strategic compromises to succeed at the national level. The 2026 midterms haven’t happened yet, but they’re fast approaching, and we’ll soon have a clearer picture of where DSA stands. Republicans unlocked their populist moment 10 years ago, and the conditions today are ripe for an equal and opposite reaction from the other side of the aisle. Over the next few months, we’ll better understand whether the Mamdanis and Ramans were canaries in the coal mine, or deep-blue outliers.
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